Buy Deutschland im Ersten Weltkrieg (German Edition): Read Kindle Store Reviews - cantrodalata.cf (German Edition) [Jörn Fritsche] on cantrodalata.cf dem Jahr im Fachbereich Geschichte Europa - Deutschland - Nachkriegszeit, Kalter Krieg, Note: 1, 0.
The first looks at antebellum Europe and tries to place the prewar Franco-German rivalry into a larger context. What is remarkable is how little the leadership and public of both countries took into account how the other side perceived the developing situation.
The second section, of special interest to social historians, compares the domestic fronts during the initial war years. Not surprisingly, the study notes one salient difference between the two countries: a spirit of national unity was easier to maintain in France because of the desire to expel the enemy from French soil.
The fourth and fifth sections deal more specifically with military and strategic considerations, examining the changing expectations of both sides over time, which helps explain why both sides reacted as they did to shifts in the war. The fifth section looks at how both countries perceived and responded to American involvement and Russian collapse, as well as to the final weeks of the war.
But, as these comparisons show, the French and the Germans had decidedly different experiences and perceptions.
It is a pity that it is not yet available in English translation. Project MUSE promotes the creation and dissemination of essential humanities and social science resources through collaboration with libraries, publishers, and scholars worldwide.
Sie sahen sich am Ziel: Jetzt sind wir alle Deutsche! German Foreign Policy, A permanent topic for German diplomacy was the Russian threat. We will be glad to provide it with information about OpenEdition and its subscription offers. Without such action by the Turks, however, nothing can be expected of the Egyptians. Please note you might not have access to this content. In the end, the German-Ottoman war entanglement ended as it started: in the shadow of the Western Front.
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Thus, Keller outlined German actions — and atrocities — as a reaction to an irregular and illegal Franktireurkrieg. He thereby dismissed claims that the Belgians were in a clear-cut victim position in , but stressed the political use of such portrayal. In their opinion, the Belgian Franktireurkrieg remains a construct of German war and postwar propaganda to excuse war crimes.
The three speakers in the following session included experts who had worked on war crimes by other armies in Galicia, Serbia and East Prussia during the opening stages of the First World War and therefore provided also a comparative perspective on events in Belgium. Hence, he regarded the atrocities as a reaction to the fear of armed civilians, but also highlighted that the crimes stopped after the first weeks.
He hinted at the need for further research on the Belgian side, for example concerning the Garde Civique. He concluded that a German Franktireurpanik and de facto resistance are not mutually exclusive.
Focusing on Keller's arguments, he considered the existence of irregular resistance — based on reliable documents — as undisputable. In his view, the Garde Civique remains the black box and further studies will have to show if they resisted systematically based on orders and concepts — or merely occasionally.
In his opinion, the case illustrates Keller's omission of important sources, the absence of irregular resistance on the Belgian side and the systematic nature of German war crimes. He clarified that Garde Civique units had indeed fired at German cavalry patrols, but rebuffed ideas of an organized Franktireurkrieg as myths deriving from propaganda and imagination of frontline troops.
What were the German reactions? Citing her research on northern France, she described acts of irregular resistance — including mutilation of German corpses — and thought it unlikely that similar cases should not have occurred in Belgium.
In general, she considered it problematic that Belgian and French testimonies and sources are frequently valued higher and trustworthier than German documents or reports. He thus thought the key task for historians lies in establishing if there had been a widespread organized resistance — on which he raised some doubts.
PETER HOERES mentioned that not all civilians who perished were subject to war crimes and hinted at regular German processes of questioning suspects and releasing them or court-martialing irregulars according to the laws of war.